Pak-Afghan border being a distinct component of South Asian geopolitical scenario, has been extensively discussed with various approaches mainly with the lens of terrorism and
extremism. Surely, ante-state militancy supported by external factors deserves forceful counter from the state. However, a critical angle of looking at the effects of local traditions on compliance of state policies also merits deliberation.
Predominantly, international boundaries are governed by enforcement of state regulations regarding economic activities and cross-border movements but, cultural norms, historical identities, and economic practices which predate the formation of states, cause more effects on policy compliance in border areas. Taking example of Asian countries, the borders of Malaysia-Indonesia, India-Bangladesh and Pakistan-Afghanistan are not just border lines but these are cultural and economic spaces where historical memory and informal authorities affect the state mechanisms.
Pak-Afghan border which is internationally recognized and globally known as Durand Line is one of such examples where compliance is affected by norms. The state of Afghanistan was crafted in 1893 and this border line was drawn through an agreement between British diplomat Sir Mortimer Durand and Amir Abdur Rehman Khan. It was demarcated to create a buffer zone between British and Russian empires to avoid any direct conflict. Like many other borders, Durand Line also separated large number of tribes, their agricultural fields, grazing grounds, kinship ties and economic flows. British rulers generally refrained to actively interfere in local governance matrix therefor, tribal autonomy remained significantly unaffected.
Complexity of state policy compliance in this border region needs to be analyzed in the light of some relevant theoretical model because theories are mostly deduced through deep-dug patterns of occurrences. A Finnish geographer Ansi Paasi’s Borderland Theory argues that borders produce and are produced by historical memory, cultural belonging and regional identity. Borders are living experiences entrenched in geographies and their rituals. The complexity of Pak-Afghan border arises through dissection of Pashtun communities. All major Pashtun tribes including Durrani, Afridi, Mohmand, Shinwari, Wazir and others have very strong ties across border. These ties include marital relations, inheritance rights, trade partnerships, livestock shares, timber shares, food and goods exchange, vehicles, automotive spare parts, exchange of currency, narcotics and weapons etc. States declare such cross-border movement unauthorized, whereas, tribals consider it their legitimate right. Similarly, states consider informal cross-border trade as smuggling, whereas, it is considered historically accepted economic survival of tribals. Crafting of Durand Line actually lacks social acceptance among tribes who consider it British legacy. Therefore, sovereignty in this cultural space seems shared among state authorities, tribal elders, religious
figures, market networks and kinship groups. These stake-holders lead the situation where either state policy is complied or contested. The state regulations contradicting to the free tribal agility, prestige and sovereignty are generally ignored rather resisted. In fact, policies are resisted not to reject the writ of the state but these are taken as obstructions in daily life affairs. Similarly crossborder trade or movements are not carried out as a defiance of state policy but these are carried out as inherited right and source of survival.
Compliance encompasses state regulations applied through institutional capacity. If compliance of state policies is pursued only through state authority, it encounters hardships because of historical memory, traditional identity, economic ties and deep-rooted kinship networks. Such traditional values make local population more responsive to their informal social framework named Pashtunwali instead of coercive governance. Pashtunwali plays a pivotal role in compliance of state policies in case of convergence, whereas, it has significant potential to cause resistance in case of divergence with state mechanism. It upholds social values like honour (Nang), hospitality (Melmastia), loyalty to the tribe (Qawm) and revenge or justice (Badal). Political decision making in this culture is also done through Jirga which is an informal council of elders.
If we compare efficacy of state institutions having legal mandate for compliance, Jirga though an informal structure, remains pivot which more effectively maintains balance between tribes and resolves their disputes on the basis of collective respect. Its proceedings are generally faster and culturally aligned than formal courts. Jirga’s authority is assigned to the elders with consensus, traditional identity, historical memory, moral legitimacy and accountability.
Significance of kinetic measures against ante-state elements cannot be undermined on account of traditional autonomy, in order to ensure security of citizens of Pakistan living in this border region. However, keeping in view the traditional norms, it seems more plausible that state policies are implemented as much as possible in consultation with Jirga for better compliance. Joint framework with tribal peace keeping committees can also be devised for maintenance of social discipline and control of armed clashes. In order to facilitate cross-border movements for kinship ties, special passes can be issued after necessary verification. Flexible trade permits need to be issued to prevent local residents from economic strangulation because they largely depend upon cross-border trade. Besides that, local market can be established where incentives should be
given to the locals for diversion of commercial activities within own territory to reduce the dependency on cross-border trade. Pashto language should be used for policy awareness in order to give respecting gesture and gain voluntary acceptance. Projection of state policies as welfare measure of locals and reasonable alignment with their norms can help to secure their consent for effective compliance of state policies.
Author of the article is Q.A. Wadood; PhD Scholar in Department of Political Science at University of Sargodha.
